Decolonizing refugees' resettlement: Exploring transnationalism, identity development, and minority stress.

 

"This article examines refugees' experiences with identity development and mental health while resettling in the United States. The article reviews studies on mental health and resettlement processes, and how they are influenced by decolonizing practices, transnational and developing identities, in the context of minority status and stress.

The authors draw on theories of transnationalism, identity development, and minority stress to analyze existing literature on refugee resettlement. They highlight the ways in which refugees experience mental health as it relates to their minority status, and identity formation. The article reviews how these factors bring to light colonizing practices influencing resettlement processes and refugees' mental health. The article suggests that transnationalism can present as a traumatic experience for refugees but represent an essential tool in promoting their well-being and identity development. Transnational connections can help individuals maintain ties to their cultural communities, provide access to resources, and foster a sense of belonging.

Overall, the article emphasizes the importance of understanding the complex and diverse experiences of refugees as minority groups in order to create more supportive and equitable approaches to resettlement and mental health practices."

Aside from aboriginal populations, the United States population is essentially composed of immigrant descents (Pumariega et al., 2005). It is believed that “first and second generation immigrant children are the most rapidly growing segment of the American population” (p. 258), with refugees comprising a crucial portion of that growth (Pumariega, et al., 2005). Since 1975, more than 3 million refugees have been resettled in the United States, with an increase of 12,500 individuals in 2021(UNHCR, 2022). By the end of 2021, it was estimated that 89.3 million individuals were forcibly displaced worldwide, with 27.1 million being refugees and 53.2 million internally displaced people. This number now approximate 100 million individuals forcibly displaced by end of May 2022, which saw an estimated increase of 10.7 million individuals from the ongoing conflict in Ukraine (UNHCR, 2021). According to UNHCR (2022) data, more than 7 million Ukrainians refugees have been recorded across Europe, with “4,210,542 registered for Temporary Protection or similar national protection schemes in Europe” as of October 2022. According to a report to the US Congress on proposed refugee admissions for fiscal year 2023, following the start of the war in Ukraine, there is an expected increase from 10,000 to 15,000 expected refugees from Europe and Central Asia (U.S. Department of State, 2022). As their number steadily grows across the world and in the US, the complexities of their realities fundamentally shape their resettlement process and identity formation (Wehrle, et al., 2018).

Because these populations deal with many intersecting dynamics (ethnocultural transnational, and adaptive) in addition to experiences of traumas, transition shock, cultural inadaptability, and status as minority groups, they will develop new identities through the resettlement process (Chao, 2019; Wehrle et al., 2018). Available literature most often offers partial factors informing refugee families identity formation, which seems disproportionately informed by experiences of integration barriers (Wehrle et al., 2018), and uniformizing reports on characteristics of race, gender, religion, culture, and sexual orientation (Alessi et al., 2020). In addition, research shows that holding a “refugee” status comes with tainted and dehumanizing narratives (Esses et al., 2013) that may contribute to further marginalizing these populations (Mowafi, 2011). In the absence of a humanist and compassionate approach to understanding the factors informing their resettlement process, refugee populations are often viewed as people without identity, without State or status, and representing the invisible other in our society (Arnot et al., 2009). The effects of the marginalization and dehumanizing attitude towards refugee populations present risk factors for mental and behavioral health, while accentuating their experiences as minority groups (Patil, 2013). Alim, et al. (2021) further state that refugees and asylum seekers are subjected to experiences of systemic injustices undermining their wellbeing and identity development.

            What research shows is that transnational intersectionality represents a critical framework of diasporic experiences for migrant families attempting to simultaneously maintain a sense of cohesion across nations, which often overlaps with systemic experiences of misconstrued privilege and marginalization (Gangamma and Shipman, 2017). In addition to the trauma refugee families endure through war experiences, they are faced with issues and experiences of trauma related to their displacements and resettlement. These forced displacements often violate these populations’ sense of collective identity, which often complicates their ability to effectively adapt to their new environment (Chao, 2019; Frounfelker et al., 2020). Transnational intersectionality emerged from the shadow of the critical realism and complexity of intersectional theory and carries along the weight assigned to it, given that the prominence of intersectionality is often shadowed by assumptions of a socio-politically flawed paradigm (Walby et al., 2012). Nonetheless, transnational intersectionality represents a global upheaval redefining cultural identities, sociopolitical dynamics, and identity development among displaced populations (Gangamma and Shipman, 2018).

            Available literature indicates that in many cases refugee populations are subjected to systematic and legal barriers while relocating (Salam et al., 2022). Esses et al. (2013) particularly highlight some of these issues, stating that “immigration policies and the treatment of immigrants and refugees are contentious issues involving uncertainty and unease” (p. 518). This observation addresses a reality often overlooked in a population dealing with staggering multi-levels complex traumatic experiences. Refugee families are continually navigating intersecting identities, and realities (Morgan, 2021; Frounfelker et al., 2020). These intersecting realities fluctuate and diverge from population to population, and even from individual to individual, and can cover “a wide array of nationalities, ethnicities and races, many of which are overlapping” (Pumariega et al., 2005, p. 582). Refugee families’ experiences of identity development can therefore be tainted by prejudices associated with their “refugee” status (Ludwig, 2013; Salam et al., 2022). The ambiguity associated with these experiences can contribute to mental health concerns for refugee families(East et al., 2017; Gangamma and Shipman, 2017), and put them at higher risks of stress and complex mental health needs as marginalized/minority groups (Chao, 2019; Pumariega et al., 2005).

The main focus of this research is centered around refugee families’ experiences with colonized practices and how they inform their identity development and minority status. To test this hypothesis and address the gaps in literature on refugee families experiences with transnational intersectionality, identity development and marginalized identity, we postulate the following questions: a) what are refugee families’ narratives of transnational intersectionality and compounding factors constituting identity formation and/or unresolved identity formation; b) How does the concept of “refugee” status constitute a marginalizing factor contributing to the marginalization of refugee families as minority groups. To address the main hypothesis, (1) we are contrasting refugee families' narratives of transnational intersectionality and factors constituting identity formation and unresolved identity formation; (2) we are delineating “refugee” status as a marginalizing factor contributing to refugee families mental and behavioral risk factors, and (3) we are identifying potential mechanisms and implications for psychotherapeutic outcomes for refugees as minority groups.

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